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Levy's distortions of genetic and mischaracterizations build throughout the foreword, repeatedly recasting Andrea in a strange light as someone who is dead disturbed. Marrier distortions of meaning and mischaracterizations married throughout the lonesome, repeatedly recasting Andrea in a strange light as someone who is deeply disturbed. In the prime to conservative white, male-dominated mind, one can, publicly, be only anti-sex or pro-sex: I appreciate Medication elsewhere noting Dworkin's often missed sense of humor, although it isn't here that Home manages to notice it. Scholars argue that this connection is made due to a sector that shames all female sexuality that is not for the purpose of new in a hetero-normative married household.

She states her dismay with a simple question followed by more questions. Do we believe that 'most women are not distinct, private individuals to most men'? To which women is she referring? An as yet undiscovered mythic class of self-assured, thoroughly privileged and empowered women; women with a completely unharmed will and sense of esteem; women untouched by racism, sexism, and heterosexism; women who only do what they want to do with men who always respect their wishes, sexually and otherwise? And where are those distinction-adoring, non-sexist, boundary-respecting men? Is this an accurate descriptor of "most women" or "most men"? Levy's out-of-touch assumptions are echoed by her emphatic question "Still?

These and other women and girls are the females Andrea wants to see be free from men's systematized cruelty, violation, and control. These completely normal, neglected, abused, and exploited females, who are mistreated for men's gratification, are anything but "distinct, private individuals" in dominant society's mind and manners. One of many survival tactics is to refuse to deal with the actual conditions and attitudes in society that Andrea unabashedly exposes, and instead move into a state of disbelief. Levy elsewhere acknowledges the harsh reality of men's control of women, but here woefully ignores it. Levy wants to know: Even Forbidden maffia porn reports say Only webcam sex with married women in andria Dating millie fact, it has increased.

How would this increase in men's sexual violence make it more possible for women to have sex that is free of sexist harm? How would the even more powerful pornography industry's production of racist-misogynistic objectification and exploitation, for popular consumption, jive with the Only webcam sex with married women in andria that most men view women as "distinct, private individuals"? To her credit, Levy does acknowledge that pornography is now "a source of inspiration for all of popular culture. Are abuse and plunder the norm, mutual satisfaction the exception so rare it proves the rule? This is the trap most readers and reviewers of radical feminist work fall into, imposing their own old ways of thinking onto text that is breaking through to new ways of thinking about very old problems.

Levy doesn't seem to grasp that Dworkin is also interrogating the primarily Western social-political meaning of privacy, desire, satisfaction, violation, domination and subordination, and how each are constructed for us, with individual variations to be sure, but never outside the provinces of patriarchal power. Andrea describes this in her book Pornography: This power of naming enables men to define experience, to articulate boundaries and values, to designate to each thing its realm and qualities, to determine what can and cannot be expressed, to control perception itself.

And human agency within this system, however privileged, cannot approximate free choices made outside of it. Andrea wanted women to be entirely free from white male supremacy. Women and men believing women have freedom in such a system was not part of her argument. Here Levy bypasses this dimension of Dworkin's work to express sincere concern about the current status and probability of good sex. Is it still as bad as Andrea says it is? Dworkin's work never entered Levy's bargaining or denial stages; this certainly explains why her writings are threatening to a status quo that demands pseudo-survival rooted in dehumanizing delusion.

Instead Andrea peeled back this all too flimsy fortress of compulsory forgiveness and forgetfulness, accurately stating: But the value of the questioning itself is substantial. In fact, few women avoid serious injury from men's completely systemic and systematic sexual violence in the course of their lives. You wouldn't know this from Levy's writing. In fact, Levy makes another case entirely for how a woman, Dworkin specifically, was determined to live the worst of what being a white woman means. What follows is a serious charge, unfounded and unsubstantiated by Levy--but that doesn't stop her from spuriously speculating about what motivated Andrea's actions.

This spurious speculation is the very center of Levy's understanding of Dworkin. It is the skeleton and some of the muscle of the reconstruction. She uses her investigative interviews for the tabloid news-style New York article as grounds for patching together a person who, now, cannot respond back. Levy salaciously and presumptuously then fills in the gaps of her pop-portrait of Dworkin that her bio-blurbs don't, and can't, address. Levy offers us a barely human reconstituted Andrea: This reconstruction began within the first two pages, and it is continued in the next section of the foreword--for two and a half pages--where we are led into what can only be described as an unnecessary recounting of the many commonplace horrors that Andrea endured.

I will not validate Levy's voyeurism by repeating these details here. Besides, they can all be found in her New York magazine article from two years ago, written less than three months after Andrea died. At that time many were still grieving Dworkin's sudden and unexpected death: And many of us also wondered, soberly, "Who will replace that radically honest a truth-teller? It is in this section that Levy parenthetically informs us of this "fact" infused with a peculiar spin: Why the emphasis on her alleged perception of him as "a nemesis" and the reference to how his predation made her feel? Here Levy employs the tactics of psychologizing, oddly focusing on the emotional reactions of the woman.

They were twelve and thirteen. He said all sex was good, including forced sex. Dworkin, thankfully, vocally expressed her disapproval and contempt for his position. Nowhere does she call him her "nemesis. Typically, white men who abuse others turn the exposers of that truth into the spiteful or jealous opponent, the evil enemy--sometimes we even sue the White Brotherhood Bond-breaking namers of our exploitive and abusive actions. Men who abuse others like and need control and privacy, and messengers of truth--living victims, witnesses, and reporters of crimes--take away both of those necessary ingredients for predators to perpetrate.

Levy introduces the parade of traumas backed by this warning: Andrea's past was "grim," and her book is called "Intercourse," so we are right to consider what, exactly? Not only is a brutal truism of life in patriarchy twisted and reduced to "a premise" "to consider"--this is overt antifeminism. But Levy also assumes that the whole of Andrea's sexual life is contained within those traumas. Here she is guilty of committing the alleged crime she takes Andrea to task for: I don't show myself,' in her book Life and Death, she also wrote 'I have used everything I know--my life--to show what I believe must be shown so that it can be faced.

She wrote about them in her first book, Woman Hating, which came out shortly after her return to the states in And in some way or other, these nightmarish pieces of her reality were picked over, deconstructed, and retold in everything she ever wrote. What we are "right to consider" is that the problem is not white male supremacy and its violence, the problem is Andrea not getting over her past--a past that left her "a prisoner of sex. And the exploitive expose' shows up now in Andrea's book, called Intercourse. What we are right to consider is Levy's level of contempt for Dworkin.

The monster as murderer. Here Levy also reveals her own contempt for the feminist antipornography movement, an effort that fought damn hard for many years on many fronts, utilizing many methods of effective activism to try and hold accountable a key site of production of racist, misogynistic harm. Before we enter Levy's revisionist reality, let us consider what else was going on during that time of the women's movement. White conservatism in the form of Reaganism was sweeping the land during the time radical feminists were organized to get women seen as human beings, who, when harmed, are harmed for being women. Reagan expanded and deepened the long-time social entrenchment of racism and misogyny, especially in the realms of religion and economics; Falwell's group, the "Moral Majority" was in full force and expanded into the Religious Right.

There was a huge antifeminist media backlash against the gains women had made to date. Pornography was getting meaner, but the white male supremacist Right could only see it as "sinful" or "offensive. What's not to hate about it? The white male supremacist Left, using the other hand, defended it as "free speech. What's not to love about it? Some feminists noticed pornography has more to do with racism, misogyny, male supremacy, and discrimination against women than righteous offense and liberal defense. But many men--hetero, bisexual, and gay--were organizing against those feminists on this issue, as were some women. Also, the pornographers themselves, not a monetarily impoverished bunch, were launching an all out war against antipornography feminism and the women most seen to represent it.

This alone shows that the movement was effective. Hustler's Larry Flynt even turned Andrea into pornography in his magazine: Flynt, and the white male supremacist laws and lawyers that continue to serve him well, determined he had a right to "free speech. A corporate pimp cynically and callously reminds us that a woman effectively silenced in this position expresses his speech, which should be protected.

Flynt, the Hate Speech Hustler, lets us know exactly whose speech he is determined to keep free. During the s, distortions were widely and Only webcam sex with married women in andria promoted within and outside the women's movement about how the ordinance worked, and through what legal means. The myth never died that it was a criminal law, not a civil rights No credit card cam2cam. Cries that this ordinance would lead to State censorship were heard across the political landscape. Reaganism, including the single term in office of Bush, Sr.

An admitted pornography user, he had no interest in promoting civil rights legislation that would, if only potentially, slightly impact his ability to reach orgasm when he wasn't busy allegedly sexually harassing, using, and abusing the women who worked and volunteered for him. Because they were his live pornography, their patriarchal court-marshaled speech was not believed, let alone free. This was a time when radicalism in the form of feminism had no real home on the traditional dominant U. The white Right rejected it for being too anti-father-knows-best, too pro-woman, especially irritated by the increased empowerment of women of color of many sexualities, as well as white lesbians, and the white Left rejected it for being off-topic and needlessly concerned with so-called trivial matters like the racist woman-subordinating material most men get off to and call a "no harm done" good time.

Levy strikingly avoids dealing with this larger social-political context, instead narrowly focusing in on how some "antiporn" women fucked up the whole feminist movement. For Levy, the overwhelmingly detrimental antifeminist forces of racist patriarchal society as a whole are somehow not relevant to the topic. Levy goes on, re-invoking Only webcam sex with married women in andria murderous Dworkinstein, commenting, once again, on the monster's size, rage, and outfit: People didn't just disagree with Dworkin, they hated her. To her detractors, she was the horror of women's lib personified, the angriest woman in America.

The term 'prosex feminist' was coined by women who wanted to distance themselves from the antiporn faction. The monster succeeded in destroying feminism altogether, forcing freedom-loving women to pronounce themselves "sex-positive" as if patriarchy doesn't already mandate that from all women Left of Puritan. Also, since when do feminist writers describe legitimate confrontations with power as a "crusade"? Why utilize a Eurocentric racist term when talking about women fighting male domination? What is Levy saying here about the power of a North American movement determined to hold commercial cameramen Sex chat for aunties consumers accountable for prostituting and reproducing a patriarchal idea of woman that harms women's civil status?

That it failed because of too-powerful feminist women were fighting supposedly conquerable white male power? That it if weren't for the Only webcam sex with married women in andria of Dworkin, grassroots radical feminists might have succeeded? It was thwarted because of the unrelenting work of pro-status Only webcam sex with married women in andria antifeminist women and men. That is the truth of why the movement of the s didn't radically transform society. Continuing to wash the hands Only webcam sex with married women in andria the pornographers, and fuel other racist pro-sexism activists and the media-warped perceptions of the general public, Levy conjures the image most needed to reinforce every stereotype about what happens when you get a group of women together: Levy steps up to the plate to hit another home run for Team Patriarchy.

Gross woman-hating and woman-blaming is perpetrated by a feminist, no less, in a revolutionary feminist's classic text: I've noticed that Amazon. Now Andrea has a co-author. I'm not saying Levy was or wasn't paid. I'm saying she has been selling out Andrea for the last few years and nowhere should Intercourse be listed as having two authors. Next, Levy invokes a conceit well-utilized by the pornographers and their apologists: Might there have been a strategic, white male supremacist politic to the resistance to the ordinance? Only webcam sex with married women in andria institutions completely controlled by white men who wanted access to women of all colors, through pornography and in other ways?

What solid base of political systemic support did Native, Latina, African-American, Asian-American, or white feminists, especially grassroots activists, have, at any point in U. Could we examine the ordinance in its time, to see exactly what was threatening about it to the status quo? Was challenging Only webcam sex with married women in andria male hegemony? Was it an effort to finally make male supremacy visible as such in law? Was it a civil rights approach designed to empower dispossessed and marginalized women--those harmed in and by pornography, by offering them a legal remedy?

Yes, to all of the above. But Levy Only webcam sex with married women in andria examine these reasons for social resistance. Instead she gets into a paragraph-long summary of what, in a consolidated Only webcam sex with married women in andria spun way, went down. In that paragraph she states: Dworkin and MacKinnon were subsequently summoned by the conservative mayor of Indianapolis, Indiana, and their legislation was signed Only webcam sex with married women in andria law in by a city council opposed to core feminist goals like legal abortion and the passage of the Equal Only webcam sex with married women in andria Amendment. It was soon overturned by federal courts, but many feminists never forgave Dworkin and MacKinnon and antiporn feminists in general for getting in bed with the right wing.

This is one of the twenty-plus year-old lies told about the feminist campaigners who fought on all fronts to give the ordinance actual legal power to women and others harmed in and by pornography. Is Levy concerned with whether Dworkin and MacKinnon might have been "getting into bed" with the white male supremacist liberal Left? Racist, misogynistic liberalism is not understood as problematic for feminism by Levy, but must be, if she is to assist us in the necessary feminist act of thinking in new ways.

I hope Levy takes up this challenge in her future work. The expression "getting into bed," is used here as a synonym for working politically with others, particularly one's enemies; while not an invention of Levy's, it is here wielded once more, adding to the covert and overt misogyny of the foreword. Women "getting into bed" with men to get what they want is a tired old racist, sexist axiom. And given that radical feminists have no choice but to deal with male supremacists on the white Right and Left, where ""[i]n this world, which is the only world that exists" does Levy and others think Dworkin and MacKinnon, and the hundreds of generally ignored and unnamed women who worked on these campaigns, should have gone to try and get their radical feminist ordinance passed into law?

Opponents of the ordinance fail to ask this question, or even to notice that it is a relevant one. Many women who worked on the cross-country city campaigns were survivors of the utterly callous and brutal pornography industry and related systems of prostitution. Many activist women were poor, of color, and otherwise socially invisible while exploited and overexposed. These were not women with a lot of privileges and access to media conglomerates. These despised and disenfranchised women understood through lived experience and analysis that women as a class are harmed, in part, by the pornography industry--"those women" who were allegedly "getting into bed" with the white Right.

The racist misogynist use of this term, by Levy, especially in one of Andrea's books, is, to say the least, problematic. Levy punctuates the unexplained lost battle by antipornography feminists with a well-placed quote by MacKinnon: Given the conclusion of her synopsis, it appears it was to circulate even more bad blood into the fictional Dworkinstein monster, and the press. Not content only to perpetuate and recycle those misogynous tales, Levy moves immediately on to the next: And she didn't write or make speeches with an eye toward mitigating this perception. With additional voyeuristic details, which conveniently reinforces the man-hating lie, Levy also notes that in Andrea's room there was a poster which read: Indeed, this statement ought to be on every street corner, and on every apartment building or single-family house's doors--entryway and interior, especially on all the bedroom doors.

Which feminist women have referred to Andrea as a man-hater, besides Levy here? And how many is "some"? Levy passes off this spurious allegation without backing it up. It is the case that feminists, generally, are accused of being man-haters by women and men; this disparaging charge is not uniquely directed at Andrea. But here Levy claims it was leveled by "some members of her own movement. Some white women and men in the movement invisibilize women of color all together. Levy herself participates in this "white-washing" of feminism. That Dworkin was a man-hater is simply untrue. Nowhere is this more detailed than in her book Life and Death, in the first section called Origins, in a chapter entitled "My Life as a Writer.

Is it so Levy comes off looking like the more socially acceptable feminist, the friendly-to-men fun feminist who is not so humorously hostile to radical feminism? Is it so that men don't have to be deeply and appropriately challenged by her, the way men have been by Dworkin's writing? Admittedly, Levy's book can serve as a necessary bridge into feminism for mostly white and class-privileged women. But we must not forget Dworkin's assessment about what is required of women if they publicly speak [critically] about sex not raunch: Levy let's us know that she is "pro-sex" and thinks women have it better now. She makes sure she cannot be perceived as one of those anti-sex man-hater types, but, according to Levy, we can and ought to mistake Dworkin as one.

From Levy's writing, she seems not as concerned about being considered a sex-positive, racist, woman-hater, given the level of antifeminism and misogyny contained in her writings about Andrea and the history of feminism. I am not making any charge in this critique of Levy's foreword that she is not a feminist; only that she is also unquestionably antifeminist as well. For the record, not that this point hasn't already been made one hundred thousand times by feminists of all colors: From here we delve far too long and deeply into the details of her relationship to her life partner, John Stoltenberg.

Do we really need to know so much about the origins of their relationship in the foreword to a non-autobiographical text? Andrea was a very private person. She would not have appreciated others speculating about the nature of her relationships, especially in her own books. Stoltenberg is the unnecessary focus of two and a half pages; even in her own memoir she speaks about Stoltenberg in only one paragraph, in a chapter that isn't about him. In the New York piece, Stoltenberg is featured in about a dozen paragraphs. Finally, we are led to the last misogynist, heteropatriarchal, and lesbophobic lie: The fact that feminism has many definitions of the term, only one of which means "women who have sex with women" is not mentioned here, nor is the fact that lesbian has been used often and for years to mean "woman-centered, woman-loving woman" which Andrea certainly was.

Levy finds it necessary to delve into the details of whether or not Andrea actually ever slept with a woman, again violating the privacy of a dead person who cannot respond to this voyeuristic, gossip-laden invasion of Dworkin's life. I would respectfully suggest that this whole area of inquiry is none of Levy's business, although she has, literally, made it her business to write about Andrea in these ways. Levy just won't leave this whole "living with a man" thing alone: Why would she marry, given her stringent politics? What could possibly be the reason for this particular break in integrity? Was the marriage motivated by romance? Dworkin is set up here as the quintessential white radical feminist whose every action must be, somehow, purely antipatriarchal, according to some impossible, non-existent white feminist standard.

Andrea never set such ridiculous standards for herself in the first place, which is clear from reading her work. This is yet another way that Andrea's actual humanity is collapsed in favor of a deeply distorted portrait of Levy's privileged projection. After much speculation, we find out after several commercial breaks, so to speak, that it was primarily for health insurance reasons that she and John wed, but Levy isn't content with the truth as she learns it; she goes on to romanticize the woman-man union in her own mind, which is both unwarranted and heterosexist: This is more tabloid journalism.

Those health issues are detailed as an inside scoop, once again both exploiting and violating the activist's privacy. Levy implies Dworkin purposefully withheld information from the public about marrying Stoltenberg, in order to perpetuate what Levy clearly considers the myth of Andrea's lesbianism. All women are forced to compromise themselves in some ways to get through life in male-dominant societies. Many lesbians live with men, for example, and many people who call themselves queer do have sex in very white supremacist and heteropatriarchal ways. This is a complex issue, and it, like so many others in the foreword, is not one Levy deals with respectfully.

Andrea never proclaimed herself to be the ideal for how to be a white lesbian or a feminist. It was usually other whites who posited and positioned her as the radical feminist prototype--as a compliment or an insult, whether due to idolatry or invidiousness. In fact, in her first feminist book, 's Woman Hating, she names Sojourner Truth and Harriet Tubman as exemplars of revolutionary bravery and being. Andrea's lesbianism was part of her radical feminism: Now moving off that topic, the actual Andrea Dworkin, as opposed to the one Levy creatively conjures for the reader, was unusually honest in her writings about her own challenges with ethical integrity--a facet of her writing I especially admired, as so many feminist and profeminist writers do not publicly own their own struggles, and instead keep them shrouded in unethical secrecy.

It's not that it should be a requirement for women to share any more information about themselves than what they choose to put forth publicly--women's being, including their sexuality, is already so over-exposed and exploited in white male supremacist society, especially the sexualities of women of color. In fact, it can be detrimental and dangerous for any woman to publicly do so, especially now, in the era of the Internet. The point is that Andrea invested her writings with a level of honesty that is rare and to be appreciated, not used against her as Levy does.

After unnecessarily summarizing some of the main points from her own book, Female Chauvinist Pigs, Levy offers this: And to act otherwise is to incur consequences: If women do anything, including breathing, walking, and wearing any style of clothing in our U. Why does Levy repeatedly bring up Andrea's weight and choice of attire? To finish smearing Dworkin, Levy once again brings in a big name in U. It was also status quo in that some of the history it described was flat out racist. Brownmiller's voice re-emerges in the foreword, here addressing Andrea's relationship to scorn and conflict. Brownmiller notes, "She courted it," and adds, "She would hang herself on her own cross.

This message--a misogynistic, patriarchal one, from feminists like Levy and Brownmiller, is simple: The woman asked for it. This is what the reader is left with: This is dangerous stuff to be conveying. Levy then offers the reader a couple of complimentary statements about Andrea's writing, ending with an underwhelmingly obvious observation: She wanted what all writers want and what she actually deserved: From Right-wing Women, by Dworkin: This is true all along the male-defined, recognizable political spectrum from far Right to far Left. Feminism is hated because women are hated.

Antifeminism is a direct expression of misogyny; it is the political defense of woman hating. This is because feminism is the liberation movement of women. Conclusions and Considerations In her preface, Dworkin accurately notes: She reduces Andrea's politics to emotions, and those emotions to unresolved personally experienced trauma. Never mind that, generally speaking, Andrea wasn't a particularly angry person--noting that would begin to unravel Levy's image of Dworkin. According to Levy, it is not a system of racialized gender tyranny, but Andrea's particular past, that Dworkin could not escape. She remains, here, not an amazing revolutionary thinker and activist, but rather "the inverted sex symbol," and "a prisoner of sex.

She also portrays Andrea as the possessor of an extravagant ego, which, once constructed by Levy, is then mocked by her as well. This is pure sexism; large egos are an accepted and heralded psychological prerequisite for any great thinker and writer, if white and male.

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It is only because Andrea is a woman that Levy can insult her in these Onyl and, generally, not be Only webcam sex with married women in andria for doing so. Andrea suffered gender-based traumas and injuries; most women do. It is exactly this pernicious patriarchal oppression that is the subject of Andrea's political work, but to read Levy's assessments, Andrea is portrayed as simply stuck in her own individual woundedness. Instead abdria acknowledging that Andrea's experiences give her feminist credibility, Levy uses them to discredit her. Utilizing many of the marrled tactics described in Part 2, Levy underscores Andrea as a strange semi-human being, one with large body and an even bigger mouth.

In fact, Andrea spent considerably more time carefully listening to other sx explain in detail how they'd been harmed by men than she did in front of a microphone. A photo witn Andrea compassionately listening would have seriously undermined Levy's thesis graphically reinforced by New Marriex magazine. Instead photo editors chose one of Andrea on the street, mouth wide open, leading the antipornography charge with andriq police microphone in hand. This otherwise wonderful wirh viewed within this context, alongside Levy's calculating words delivered the desired webcm. Levy has spent the last few years directing "Dworkinstein: The Making of martied Monster Somen scene by scene, by any means necessary.

To cast Andrea im the injured, wild, swaggering, ferocious killer of feminism, carrying neurotically clutched-onto personal nOly, is to Only webcam sex with married women in andria or marriwd aside the rather critical feminist fact amdria what happened to Andrea happens to girls-as-girls and women-as-women commonly. Kentucky, Connecticut, Arkansas, Alaska, Alabama words alone are still not sufficient to legally prove non-consent, which neglects the scientific evidence that most victims experience tonic immobility during an assault. Researchers claim that communication and language is created by the dominant patriarchy.

In positions of power, men control how women are portrayed in the media, women's censorship of body and voice, etc. This is a gender stereotype burdening the men in society, depicting men as sexually driven, violent beings. When they do report, they are often met with disbelief, dismissiveness or blame from police and other services. They are also more likely to deny and hide how the attack affected them emotionally. The study also revealed that heterosexual men were more likely to be against the victim if the victim was perceived to be homosexual rather than heterosexual. Because of the effort put into the date, men often felt entitled to some payment in the form of sexual gratification.

Herman claims that the American dating system emphasizes men as possessors of females, who can be seen as sexual objects ready to be "paid for. It would require addressing gender stereotypes in a patriarchal male-dominated society and relieving both genders from their pressures. Women are expected to be submissive: Men are socialized to believe they need to prove their masculinity by taking this control and dominating women. This is not only enforced by expectations of men to be dominant but also society's discouragement of men showing any emotions, vulnerability, or sensitivity.

Jason Katz explores this concept in the widely acclaimed documentary "Tough Guise 2. Part of American culture teaches boys that in order to be men, they must conform to this "box of masculinity," which perpetuates mantras such as: If a boy steps out of this box, especially in the tender years of puberty, he is shamed by peers as soft or weak, which teaches him that being feminine is wrong. Keith focuses on the sexual objectification of women that has occurred in America for decades. He states the American male culture teaches boys and men to dehumanize and disrespect women. Keith posits that men's level of violence towards women has reached epidemic levels, and the media coverage and advertising suggest that it is not only normal, but it's cool, for boys and men to control and humiliate women.

Violence against women is typical and the norm, especially marital abuse, as it is seen as a private matter not believed to be "appropriate for intervention or policy changes". This is due to Pakistan's patriarchal society and gender roles that expect men to be violent and dominant and women to be fragile and weak. Religious norms familiar to Pakistan also embrace violence and discrimination toward women, emphasizing that women would not be able to live without men. Fights and feuds are settled by raping the rival's mother, wife, daughter or sister.


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